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Both Sides Think They Won Iran. That's the Problem.

A US airman rescue and Iranian drone kill have left Washington and Tehran dangerously convinced they're winning. History suggests what comes next.

Both Sides Think They Won Iran. That's the Problem.

The US pulled off something genuinely difficult last week: extracting a downed airman from inside Iran. Multiple agencies coordinated. Hostile territory. Real operational risk. It worked.

Iran shot down the plane that crashed in the first place. And by Tehran’s math, that was the victory that mattered.

This is how you get into trouble.

When Both Sides Write the Same Victory Narrative

Trump declared victory after the rescue operation. That’s his prerogative—the extraction itself was operationally impressive and risky. But here’s what matters more: Iran’s government isn’t exactly hanging its head in shame either. They shot down a US aircraft. An Israeli strike killed an Iranian intelligence chief overnight, and Tehran responded by vowing to hit back “crushingly” if Trump follows through on threats to strike power plants and bridges unless Iran reopens the Strait of Hormuz.

Both sides just claimed wins. Both sides are now rhetorically committed to proving they weren’t bluffing.

This dynamic has a name in conflict studies. It’s not a good one. When two adversaries each believe they’ve demonstrated strength and resolve, and both interpret the other’s actions as escalation requiring response, you’re not in a stable equilibrium. You’re in a ratchet. Each turn of the wheel clicks forward, and it doesn’t click backward.

The last time this happened with Iran and the US at this temperature was 2020, after the Soleimani assassination. Iran launched ballistic missiles at Al Asad airbase in Iraq. No US personnel were killed. Both sides claimed victory. Then… they kind of stopped for a minute and realized they were closer to actual war than either side genuinely wanted to be. It cooled off.

I’m not confident that happens this time.

A young woman with curly hair ponders deeply, hand on chin against a gray backdrop. Photo by Vitaly Gariev / Pexels

Trump’s Problem: He Owns This Escalation Now

Here’s what’s different. Trump isn’t some distant decision-maker mulling options. He made a specific, public threat. Open the Strait of Hormuz by X date, or I’ll strike power plants and bridges. That’s not a negotiating position. That’s an ultimatum with an expiration date.

Iran said no. They said they’d respond “crushingly” if he tried it.

Now Trump faces a choice: follow through and validate every claim he’s made about his toughness, or back down and validate every claim Tehran makes about American bluffing. He’s boxed himself in. And if there’s one thing I’ve learned reporting from a few dozen countries, it’s that leaders with painted themselves into corners tend to paint themselves deeper in.

The rescue operation is being billed as justification for a potential ground operation to seize Kharg Island or enriched uranium sites. That’s not cleanup. That’s escalation planning. If Trump moves in that direction, Iran doesn’t get to stay quiet. They have an air force, ballistic missiles, and proxy forces across the region. The kinetic phase doesn’t stay small.

I think Trump believes the rescue proves US military competence and Iranian vulnerability. I think he’s wrong. The rescue proves competence, sure. But one successful extraction from a crash site isn’t a prediction of how a sustained campaign against Iranian nuclear sites plays out. It’s not even in the same operational category. Raids against fixed targets defended by a state military are different animals.

The Middle East’s Other Problems Don’t Pause

Meanwhile—and this matters—the region isn’t sitting still while DC and Tehran stare each other down.

Viktor Orban in Hungary is running on opposition to Ukraine aid, and Moscow seems “determined to repay the favor,” according to reporting. That’s Europe-adjacent instability. Russia’s spring offensive in Ukraine is coming, and they’re counting on vegetation to conceal troop movements. Trees are becoming military terrain.

None of this is directly Iran-related, but it all matters for US bandwidth and credibility. You can’t be maximally credible with Iran while simultaneously dealing with European fractures and Ukraine escalation. Adversaries notice when you’re stretched. They exploit it.

From below of various flags on flagpoles located in green park in front of entrance to the UN headquarters in Geneva Photo by Mathias Reding / Pexels

What This Looks Like From Tehran

Here’s my honest uncertainty: I don’t know exactly how risk-tolerant Iran’s decision-makers are right now. They shot down a US aircraft. That’s not a tentative move. That’s not a signal. That’s a shot across the bow that could’ve killed Americans. They’re either confident or desperate or some combination where they’ve decided the reputational cost of standing down exceeds the cost of escalating.

An Israeli strike killed an Iranian intelligence chief. That’s not a minor thing. It’s a reminder that Iran doesn’t just face the US—it faces a more militarily advanced adversary that’s willing to operate inside Iranian borders. If Iran’s calculus includes “we can’t let this look weak domestically,” that’s a pressure valve that might not have an off switch.

The Strait of Hormuz threat from Trump is real leverage, economically. It’s how about 20% of global oil moves. But it’s also a threat Iran’s lived with since 1979. They’ve contingency-planned closing it. They’ve thought about it. The economic pain would be real for them too, but they’ve made the political decision that losing face matters more than economic pain sometimes.

The Actual Danger

This isn’t about whether there’s going to be a full-scale war in the next six months. I don’t think there will be. I think there will be tit-for-tat escalations that gradually push both sides into positions where backing down becomes politically impossible, and somewhere around late summer or fall of 2024, one side miscalculates the other’s tolerance level and you get a sharp, ugly incident. Maybe a US ship, maybe an Iranian facility, maybe something involving a proxy.

But the real danger is the confidence. When both sides believe they’ve already won, they stop planning for scenarios where they lose. They stop leaving off-ramps. They start investing politically in positions they can’t walk back from.

Trump’s ultimatum is an off-ramp killer. Iran’s “crushing response” rhetoric is an off-ramp killer. They’re building a narrative house of cards where everybody loses if anybody backs down.

What I’m Watching

  • Trump’s deadline and Iran’s response timeline. The Strait of Hormuz ultimatum has an implied expiration. Watch for whether Iran makes any cosmetic movement toward compliance in the next 30 days, or whether Tehran doubles down with public statements that make compliance look impossible. Either way, you’ll know how this ends.

  • Israeli operations inside Iran after the intelligence chief killing. If Israel strikes again in the next 90 days, Iran’s response calculus changes completely. They’ll feel obligated to respond not just to Trump but to prove they can defend against Israeli operations. That’s a second escalation track that could intersect with the US one.

  • Russian activity in the Strait of Hormuz. Russia has naval assets in the region. If Moscow starts positioning ships or making public statements supporting Iran’s right to control the Strait, you’ve got a de facto alliance forming that makes US military options significantly more complicated. Watch for Russian diplomatic moves or naval repositioning.

  • Domestic pressure on Trump from his own advisors. If military leaders or national security staff start going public with concerns about overcommitment or risk, that’s a signal the administration is feeling internal doubts. That matters because it suggests someone at the table still believes in off-ramps.

The rescue was impressive. The confidence it’s generating is dangerous.